Saturday, June 18, 2011

The Secular Façade & The Vestiges of Colonialism

Ali Harfouch (Islam Forum)
[ Originally published in al-Andalus. The following are a few brief points relating to Sectarianism and Secularism. We have kept the points and article brief as to encourage debate and discussion]

Recently, a movement has been growing across Lebanon calling for an end to Political Sectarianism. The solution, they propose; secularism. The ambiguity surrounding their proposed solution, makes it somewhat difficult to objectively evaluate the movements aims, and measure its potential success. Failing to define the form, type, or structure of the secular state they want.
Through zealous disillusionment, Secularism has become synonymous with “tolerance, plurality and anti-sectarianism” and a false Sectarianism v. Secularism binary is set up. Diluting the lines between Political Sectarianism, and Sectarianism, rendering the difference insignificant.
The colonially imposed system along with its discourse, is without doubt a system we must work towards deconstruction, but is Secularism a solution? Several points, and questions come to mind;

1) Residue of Colonialism
The Secular movement, while working against a colonially developed system set in place to decentralize power in the Muslim world and fragment Muslims in an effort to stifle any possible resistance - ironically, import a purely Eurocentric discourse from the same country which colonized Lebanon; France. Struck by intellectual and historical amnesia, lacking the ability to look beyond colonial legacy, beyond that of the nation-state, to a time in which even Jews inhabited parts of the nation and coexisted peacefully with Muslims and Christians.
A stark reality becomes all the more obvious; the vestiges of colonialism, and its mental bondages still pervade the Muslim world. And that domination comes not only through political structures, but also over conscious.

2) Can we remove the Secular Political Sectarianism System with a “Secular Civil Democracy” in the absence of a national-identity?
The current sectarian political system, as pointed out by Maya Mikdashi of Columbia University, to the surprise of many is secular. More specifically, its referred to as a consociational democracy in which each sect/confession is given representation in parliament. A system put in place by the Imperial French Colonialist, and was compounded by the Ta’if Agreement in 1990 to perpetuate the sectarian culture created secular political elite. The question is, does a national culture exist? A national culture or base according to which citizens, regardless of their sect can vote? The answer to this question is obvious; no. Removing the Political Sectarian system, before cultivating a national culture would lead to a civil war, the proportions of which Lebanon has yet to see. A political system and its constitution always reflects the values, ideals, and culture of a nation - and not vice versa.
Considering that the socio-political, geographical, economic, and spatio-temporal conditions for a nation and state do not exist, let alone the obstacles put forth by the sects which would be deemed minorities and lose all political influence.
We put forth, the following question; what would be the grounds for morality, plurality, diversity, or coexistence, according to which “citizens” would vote in the absence of a national identity?
People, in making decisions, be it at home (“private square”) or through political participation (“public square”) do not, as many secularist think, transcend their immediate self and think “rationally”. Our actions, and judgments are based on certain moral frameworks, experience, emotions, and bodily impulses or desires. To assume that, once stripped of a political sectarian system that the populace will base their decisions on national identity, and rational is absurd.

3) Problem; religion, or politicians?
Usama Makdisi, a professor at Princeton University points out “Colonialism transformed the social, political, and economic significance of religion into a reified order wherein decontextualized religious identities alone defined individuals” (Makdisi 1996)
Looking at the conflicts that ravaged Lebanon since it gained independence in 1943 - it becomes obvious and evident that the problem was never with religion, but with the political elite who exploited a “decontextualized” religion for their political and personal gains. What exactly about the 1958 civil war between Lebanese patriots and Arab nationalist, involved Islam or Christianity? Or, the Arab-Israeli conflict and PLO which lead to the 1978 civil war? And, the most recent conflicts are surely not drawing on religious values and principles.
Steps Forward
The aim then, should not be the removal of religion from the public square, as Secularism seeks to do. Doing so, as T.N Madan points out would only lead to its exploitation and evisceration. William E. Connolly, in his seminal work Why I am Not A Secularist proposes a more fruitful and realistic notion; an ethos of engagement between religions in the public square. Our goal, regardless of what “sect” or religion we belong to should be to recapture religion from the corrupt political elites. A return to the true practicing of faith - drawing from its values and not the modern-day tribalism which has come to replace the faiths. The only substantive force which can replace the culture of sectarianism, is religion itself. Otto Maduro, a neo-Marxist, even recognized and decisively said “Religion is not necessarily a functional, reproductive or conservative factor in society; it often is one of the main (and sometimes the only) available channel to bring about a social revolution (Maduro 1977: 366)”
Above, we have sought to briefly shed light on a few points and questions that come to mind. Our challenge and questions remain open.

Umdatul Fiqh by Sheikh Abu Adnan : Lesson 16

http://www.mediafire.com/?49p0a5y9d86b2x6

Friday, June 17, 2011

Dying In The Arena Of Jihad Is Better


How can one obtain the degree of a Shuhada’ if he does not die and was killed in the arena of jihad? And how can one be killed in the arena of jihad, if he avoids the land of jihad? Whereas, dying shaheed is a great way to enter paradise. So fitting was the question of Allah to the people who yearn for paradise but are afraid to conduct jihad because of the fear of death or getting killed in it, whereas paradise is not accessible except by the people who die first.

Alhumdu lillahi lathee bimi A Amatihi tatimmus -salihati

Allah praise is for Allah by whose favours goods works are accomplished

General Wesley Clark on 9/11 n Libya, Libya was already planned, Iran next.

Wall Street's Tax on Us

The Oil Speculators

By ROBERT WEISSMAN

(Source)

Where are the anti-tax activists when you need them?

They should be protesting outside of the Commodity Futures Trading Commission, denouncing the agency for failing to take action. And they should be applauding a new legislative proposal by Senator Bernie Sanders.

Right now, Wall Street speculators are imposing an enormous tax on consumers, and the overall economy.

Where are the anti-tax activists?

There's no question that illegal, collusive activity is far too frequent in energy markets. But the much bigger problem is legal speculation.

Wall Street speculation in oil and energy markets is jacking up the price of oil, and thereby siphoning money from the pockets and pocketbooks of consumers.

Even Goldman Sachs suggests that legal speculation may be adding 65-70 cents to the price of a gallon of gasoline. Exxon CEO Rex Tillerson says supply-and-demand fundamentals suggest the price of oil should be $65-$70 a barrel, about a third less than the current price. Experts from the home heating oil industry believe even the $65 figure is too high.

The speculation component of the price of gasoline is exactly like a tax on consumers.

Except that it is the worst kind of tax imaginable.

A government imposed-tax on oil or carbon would go to the U.S. Treasury, for use to advance public purposes, such as investing in renewable energy and energy efficiency. By contrast, the proceeds of this Wall Street-imposed tax are going to Wall Street interests, giant oil companies and foreign oil interests. Wall Street gamblers are benefiting from the higher prices in oil markets. The higher prices of oil -- which have nothing to do with the cost of drilling or refining -- are driving Big Oil's profits to the stratosphere. The formula for success for Exxon, Chevron, BP and the rest is simple: keep costs constant and reap the profits from prices driven higher by oil speculators. Foreign oil interests get the same benefits -- at the expense of worsening the U.S. trade deficit.

The Wall Street-imposed tax is regressive, with working families hit the hardest.

And the unpredictability and impermanence of this Wall Street-imposed tax means that -- while it imposes costs on consumers and the economy -- it does not do much to shift consumer and business decisions. There is a strong case to be made for putting a price on carbon, to encourage consumer and business investments in efficiency and renewable energy technologies. But the Wall Street-imposed tax does little to achieve these objectives. The tax is temporary -- at some point, speculators will race out of the market, driving prices back down -- so it does not send a clear price signal to consumers and businesses to redirect investments to efficiency and renewables.

We, the People are not helpless in the face of this legalized rip-off. We can crack down on out-of-control legal speculation.

The Wall Street Reform and Consumer Protection Act -- the Dodd-Frank Act -- directed the Commodity Futures Trading Commission (CFTC) to enact "position limits" to eliminate excessive speculation in energy markets. Such a rule would limit the amount of oil that Wall Street speculators could trade in the energy futures market, taking control over the oil futures market away from speculators and returning it to those who actually use and supply oil. But under pressure from Wall Street and its allies, the CFTC has failed to act by the mid-January deadline it was given.

To force immediate action, Senator Bernie Sanders -- along with Senators Blumenthal, Merkley, Franken, Whitehouse and Bill Nelson -- earlier this week introduced the End Excessive Oil Speculation Now Act. It would mandate immediate action by the CFTC to end the Wall Street-imposed oil tax. The legislation would end Wall Street's authority to rip off consumers via a privately imposed tax.

Ending the Wall Street-imposed tax would save Americans tens of billions of dollars. But for political opposition from obvious sources, this legislation would win immediate passage.

Where are the anti-tax activists?

Tunisia six months on: After Ben Ali







Did Egypt really open Rafah crossing?

By Ramzy Baroud

For most Palestinians, leaving Gaza through Egypt is as exasperating a process as entering it. Governed by political and cultural sensitivities, most Palestinian officials and public figures refrain from criticizing the way Palestinians are treated at the Rafah border.

However, there is really no diplomatic language to describe the relationship between desperate Palestinians - some literally fighting for their lives - and Egyptian officials at the crossing which separates Gaza from Egypt.

"Gazans are treated like animals at the border," a friend of mine told me. She was afraid that her fiance would not be allowed to leave Gaza, despite the fact that his papers were in order. Having crossed the border myself just a few days ago, I could not disagree with her statement.

The New York Times reported on June 8: "After days of acrimony between Hamas and Egypt over limitations on who could pass through the Rafah border crossing between Gaza and Egypt, Hamas said Egypt had agreed to allow 550 people a day to leave Gaza and to lengthen the operating hours of the crossing."

And so the saga continues.

A few weeks after an official Egyptian announcement to "permanently" open the border - thus extending a lifeline for trapped Palestinians under siege in Gaza - the Rafah border was opened for two days of conditional operation in late May, and then closed again for four days. Now it has once more "reopened".

All the announcements are proving to be no more than rhetoric. The latest "permanent" reopening has come with its own conditions and limitations, involving such factors as gender, age, purpose of visit, and so on.

“Everyone has the right to leave any country, including his own, and to return to his country,” states Article 13 (2) of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. This universal principle, however, continues to evade most Palestinians in Gaza.

I was one of the very first Palestinians who stood at Rafah following the announcement of a "permanent" opening. Our bus waited at the gate for a long time. I watched a father repeatedly try to reassure his crying six-year-old child, who displayed obvious signs of a terrible bone disease.

"Get the children out or they will die," shouted an older passenger as he gasped for air. The heat in the bus, combined with the smell of trapped sweat was unbearable.

Passengers took it upon themselves to leave the bus and stand outside, enduring disapproving looks from the Egyptian officials. Our next task was finding clean water and a shady spot in the arid zone separating the Egypt and Palestinian sides. There were no restrooms.

A tangible feeling of despair and humiliation could be read on the faces of the Gaza passengers.

No one seemed to be in the mood to speak of the Egyptian revolution, a favorite topic of conversation among most Palestinians. This zone is governed by an odd relationship, one that goes back many years - well before Egypt, under Hosni Mubarak, decided to shut down the border in 2006 in order to aid in the political demise of Hamas.

The issue actually has nothing to do with gender, age or logistics. All Palestinians are treated very poorly at the Rafah crossing, and they continue to endure even after the toppling of Mubarak, his family and the dismissal of the corrupt security apparatus. The Egyptian revolution is yet to reach Gaza.

When the bus was finally allowed to enter about five hours later, Palestinians dashed into the gate, desperately hoping to be among the lucky ones allowed to go in. The anxiety of the travelers usually makes them vulnerable to workers at the border who promise them help in exchange for negotiated amounts of money. All of this is actually a con, as the decision is made by a single man, referred to as al-Mukhabarat, the "intelligence".

Some are sent back while others are allowed entry. Everyone is forced to wait for many hours - sometimes even days - with no clear explanation as to what they are waiting for, or why they are being sent back.

The very ill six-year-old held on his dad's jacket as they walked about, frantically trying to fulfill all the requirements. Both seemed like they were about to collapse.

The Mukhabarat determined that three Gazan students on their way to their universities in Russia were to be sent back. They had jumped through many hoops already to make it so far. Their hearts sank when they heard the verdict. I protested on their behalf, and the decision was as arbitrarily reversed as it was originally made.

Those who are sent back to Gaza are escorted by unsympathetic officers to the same open spot, to wait for the same haggard bus. Some of those who are allowed entry are escorted by security personnel across the Sinai desert, all the way to Cairo International Airport to be "deported" to their final destinations. They are all treated like common criminals.

"I can't watch my son die in front of my eyes," screamed the father of 11-year-old Mohammed Ali Saleh, according to Mohammed Omer for Inter Press Service (June 10). He was addressing Egyptian troops days after the border was supposedly "permanently" reopened - for the second time in less than a week.
Such compelling needs as medical treatment, education and freedom keep bringing Palestinians back. The Israeli siege has choked Gaza to the point of near complete strangulation. Egypt is Gaza's only hope.

"I beg you to open the crossing ... You brothers of Egypt have humiliated us for so long. Isn't it time we had our dignity back?” said Naziha Al-Sebakhi, 63, one of the many distressed faces at the Rafah border, according to Mohammed Omer.

As they crossed into Egypt, some of the passengers seemed euphoric. The three students and I shared a taxi to Cairo. A tape of Umm Kulthum's Amal Hyati - Hope of my Life - played over and over again. Despite everything, the young men seemed to hold no resentment whatsoever towards Egypt.

"I just love Egypt ...I don't know why," said Majid pensively, before falling asleep from sheer exhaustion.

I thought of the six-year-old boy and his dad. I wonder if they made it to the hospital on time.

Tuesday, June 14, 2011

Secret US and Afghanistan Talks Could See Troops Stay for Decades

Russia, China and India concerned about 'strategic partnership' in which Americans would remain after 2014

Source

by Jason Burke

American and Afghan officials are locked in increasingly acrimonious secret talks about a long-term security agreement which is likely to see US troops, spies and air power based in the troubled country for decades.

Though not publicised, negotiations have been under way for more than a month to secure a strategic partnership agreement which would include an American presence beyond the end of 2014 – the agreed date for all 130,000 combat troops to leave — despite continuing public debate in Washington and among other members of the 49-nation coalition fighting in Afghanistan about the speed of the withdrawal.

American officials admit that although Hillary Clinton, the US secretary of state, recently said Washington did not want any "permanent" bases in Afghanistan, her phrasing allows a variety of possible arrangements.

"There are US troops in various countries for some considerable lengths of time which are not there permanently," a US official told the Guardian.

British troops, Nato officials say, will also remain in Afghanistan long past the end of 2014, largely in training or mentoring roles.

Although they will not be "combat troops" that does not mean they will not take part in combat. Mentors could regularly fight alongside Afghan troops, for example.

Senior Nato officials also predict that the insurgency in Afghanistan will continue after 2014.

There are at least five bases in Afghanistan which are likely candidates to house large contingents of American special forces, intelligence operatives, surveillance equipment and military hardware post-2014. In the heart of one of the most unstable regions in the world and close to the borders of Pakistan, Iran and China, as well as to central Asia and the Persian Gulf, the bases would be rare strategic assets.

News of the US-Afghan talks has sparked deep concern among powers in the region and beyond. Russia and India are understood to have made their concerns about a long-term US presence known to both Washington and Kabul. China, which has pursued a policy of strict non-intervention beyond economic affairs in Afghanistan, has also made its disquiet clear. During a recent visit, senior Pakistani officials were reported to have tried to convince their Afghan counterparts to look to China as a strategic partner, not the US.

American negotiators will arrive later this month in Kabul for a new round of talks. The Afghans rejected the Americans' first draft of a strategic partnership agreement in its entirety, preferring to draft their own proposal. This was submitted to Washington two weeks ago. The US draft was "vaguely formulated", one Afghan official told the Guardian.

Afghan negotiators are now preparing detailed annexes to their own proposal which lists specific demands.

The Afghans are playing a delicate game, however. President Hamid Karzai and senior officials see an enduring American presence and broader strategic relationship as essential, in part to protect Afghanistan from its neighbours.

"We are facing a common threat in international terrorist networks. They are not only a threat to Afghanistan but to the west. We want a partnership that brings regional countries together, not divides them," said Rangin Spanta, the Afghan national security adviser and the lead Afghan negotiator on the partnership.

Dr Ashraf Ghani, a former presidential candidate and one of the negotiators, said that, although Nato and the US consider a stable Afghanistan to be essential to their main strategic aim of disrupting and defeating al-Qaida, a "prosperous Afghanistan" was a lesser priority. "It is our goal, not necessarily theirs," he said.

Though Ghani stressed "consensus on core issues", big disagreements remain.

One is whether the Americans will equip an Afghan air force. Karzai is understood to have asked for fully capable modern combat jet aircraft. This has been ruled out by the Americans on grounds of cost and fear of destabilising the region.

Another is the question of US troops launching operations outside Afghanistan from bases in the country. From Afghanistan, American military power could easily be deployed into Iran or Pakistan post-2014. Helicopters took off from Afghanistan for the recent raid which killed Osama bin Laden.

"We will never allow Afghan soil to be used [for operations] against a third party," said Spanta, Afghanistan's national security adviser.

A third contentious issue is the legal basis on which troops might remain. Afghan officials are keen that any foreign forces in their country are subject to their laws. The Afghans also want to have ultimate authority over foreign troops' use and deployment.

"There should be no parallel decision-making structures ... All has to be in accordance with our sovereignty and constitution," Spanta said.

Nor do the two sides agree over the pace of negotiations. The US want to have agreement by early summer, before President Barack Obama's expected announcement on troop withdrawals. This is "simply not possible," the Afghan official said.

There are concerns too that concluding a strategic partnership agreement could also clash with efforts to find an inclusive political settlement to end the conflict with the Taliban. A "series of conversations" with senior insurgent figures are under way, one Afghan minister has told the Guardian.

A European diplomat in Kabul said: "It is difficult to imagine the Taliban being happy with US bases [in Afghanistan] for the foreseeable future."

Senior Nato officials argue that a permanent international military presence will demonstrate to insurgents that the west is not going to abandon Afghanistan and encourage them to talk rather than fight.

The Afghan-American negotiations come amid a scramble among regional powers to be positioned for what senior US officers are now describing as the "out years".

Mark Sedwill, the Nato senior civilian representative in Afghanistan, recently spoke of the threat of a "Great Game 3.0" in the region, referring to the bloody and destabilising conflict between Russia, Britain and others in south west Asia in the 19th century.

Afghanistan has a history of being exploited by — or playing off — major powers. This, Dr Ghani insisted, was not "a vision for the 21st century". Instead, he said, Afghanistan could become the "economic roundabout" of Asia.

US worries about Yemen, Somalia terrorist links

WASHINGTON (AP) — The United States is expanding its shadowy battle against militants in Yemen, including a planned new CIA base nearby in the Persian Gulf, in an attempt to stop a lethal branch of al-Qaida from capitalizing on the political turmoil in Yemen.

The White House has increased the numbers of CIA officers in Yemen, and has signed off on the new base from which to fly armed drones to hunt militants in Yemen, to be completed by next year.

There is an internal debate in the administration over whether U.S. special operations forces should continue to lead the fight, once the CIA's base is complete, three U.S. officials say, speaking on condition of anonymity to discuss strategic discussions.

In the meantime, the Pentagon's elite special operations forces are taking aim at a greater array of targets, who have been flushed into view by the unrest, as well as the Yemeni government's new willingness to allow U.S. forces to use all tools available — from armed drones to war planes — to take out those targets, three U.S. officials say, speaking on condition of anonymity to discuss classified operations.

The U.S. wants to keep the pressure on, to break al-Qaida's current momentum there, the State Department's counterterror coordinator said Tuesday. Yemen-based Al-Qaida in the Arabian Peninsula, considered the most immediate terror threat to America, is already operating more in the open and has been able to acquire and hold more territory.

Daniel Benjamin said there are growing concerns that AQAP will use the chaos to acquire more weapons, and also to fuel connections between al-Qaida-linked militants there and al-Shabab insurgents in Somalia.

Benjamin says he is hopeful that counterterrorism efforts will continue in Yemen, as the political transition moves along and a new government takes hold.

"Counterterrorism cooperation is not about one man," Benjamin told reporters.

And while he said the U.S. doesn't know what the next government in Yemen will look like, and "there has been some distraction because of the political turmoil," he added that the U.S. believe that cooperation will grow under the new leaders.

He said the U.S. has been in talks with the acting president, Abed Rabbo Mansour Hadi.

Yemeni President Ali Abdullah Saleh was badly injured in a recent attack and is in Saudi Arabia. He and opposition party rulers are moving slowly toward a transition of the government.

There have been consistent reports of connections between AQAP in Yemen and al-Shabab across the Gulf of Aden in Somalia. And those could deepen if the Yemeni government loses more control of its coastal regions.

The waters are already thriving regions for pirates, who take over commercial ships and hold them for ransom. That money, said Benjamin, is making its way into terrorists' hands, although the relationship between the pirates and the insurgents is murky.

"We know that militants have shaken pirates down," he said. "And if that results in money being in terrorist pockets, that's bad news ... If you ask most of the pirates right now, they would consider the terrorists to be parasites who are not helping them in a constructive way."

Yet another illegal war -- now in Yemen

Source

By Glenn Greenwald

Both The Wall Street Journal and The Washington Post report today that the Obama administration is planning to exploit the disorder from the civil war in Yemen by dramatically escalating a CIA-led drone bombing campaign. In one sense, this is nothing new. Contrary to false denials, the U.S., under the 2009 Nobel Peace Prize winner, has been bombing Yemen for the last two years, including one attack using cluster bombs that killed dozens of civilians. But what's new is that this will be a CIA drone attack program that is a massive escalation over prior bombing campaigns; as the Post put it: "The new tasking for the agency marks a major escalation of the clandestine American war in Yemen, as well as a substantial expansion of the CIA's drone war."

Leaving aside the standard issue -- that continuously slaughtering civilians in the Muslim world is going to exacerbate every problem which ostensibly justifies the bombing, beginning with Terrorism -- Kevin Drum asks the obvious question:

Exactly what theory of military action allows President Obama to do this without congressional approval? In Afghanistan and Nicaragua in the 80s, you could argue that we were merely funding allies, not fighting a war ourselves. In Grenada and Panama, you could argue that we were merely pursuing small-scale police actions.

In Pakistan, you can argue that our operations are all part of the Afghanistan war. You might not like any of those arguments, but at least they're something.

But what's the theory here? This is obviously not a short-term operation (it began well over a year ago). It's obviously not part of the Afghanistan war. You'd have to twist yourself into a pretzel to pretend that the post-9/11 AUMF applies here. (The fact that Congress is considering an extension of the 2001 AUMF in order to cover operations like this is a tacit admission that the old AUMF doesn't apply. (GG: the 2001 resolution authorized force against "those nations, organizations, or persons [the President] determines planned, authorized, committed, or aided the terrorist attacks that occurred on September 11, 2001," which is not remotely applicable to militants in Yemen)). Nor does the fact that Yemen's president has given it his blessing really mean anything from a war powers standpoint.

In practice, the theory seems to be that unmanned drones are somehow not as real as actual manned fighter jets. After all, does anyone seriously believe that Obama could send sortie after sortie of F-22s over Yemen and not have anyone complain about it? I doubt it.

The one point of Kevin's with which I disagree is his last one: I absolutely believe that if he sent F-22s into Yemen to bomb, very few people would object. Not only has virtually nobody objected to prior bombing campaigns in that country, but he's currently waging a war in Libya without a whiff of Congressional approval, and nobody seems to mind. That's because -- for all the Democratic mockery of Richard Nixon's "If-the-President-does-it-it's-not-illegal" decree, bolstered by the Cheney/Yoo/Addington theory of presidential omnipotence -- that's exactly how this President is viewed, by his followers and himself. If he wants to fight a war somewhere, that -- his will, his decree -- is all that is needed. Such matters, as the once-discredited-but-now-vindicated John Yoo put it, "are for the President alone to decide."

No Justice in Kafka’s America

By Chris Hedges

June 13, 2011 "Truthdig" - -In Franz Kafka’s short story “Before the Law” a tireless supplicant spends his life praying for admittance into the courts of justice. He sits outside the law court for days, months and years. He makes many attempts to be admitted. He sacrifices everything he owns to sway or bribe the stern doorkeeper. He ages, grows feeble and finally childish. He is told as he nears death that the entrance was constructed solely for him and it will now be closed.

Justice has become as unattainable for Muslim activists in the United States as it was for Kafka’s frustrated petitioner. The draconian legal mechanisms that condemn Muslim Americans who speak out publicly about the outrages we commit in the Middle East have left many, including Syed Fahad Hashmi, wasting away in supermax prisons. These citizens posed no security threat. But they dared to speak a truth about the sordid conduct of our nation that the state found unpalatable. And in the bipartisan war on terror, waged by Republicans and Democrats, this ugly truth in America is branded seditious.

The best the U.S. government could offer as evidence of Fahad’s crimes was that an acquaintance who stayed in his apartment with him while he was a graduate student in London had raincoats, ponchos and waterproof socks in luggage at the apartment and that the acquaintance eventually delivered these to al-Qaida. But I doubt the government is overly concerned with a suitcase full of waterproof socks taken to Pakistan. The reason Fahad Hasmi was targeted was because, like the Palestinian activist Dr. Sami Al-Arian, he was fearless and zealous in his defense of those being bombed, shot, terrorized and killed throughout the Muslim world while he was a student at Brooklyn College. Fahad was deeply religious, and some of his views, including his praise of the Afghan resistance, were to me unpalatable, but he had a right to express these sentiments. More important, he had a right to expect freedom from persecution and imprisonment because of his opinions. Facing the possibility of a 70-year sentence in prison and having already spent four years in jail, much of it in solitary confinement, he accepted a plea bargain on one count of conspiracy to provide material support to terrorism.

It has been a year since his 15-year sentence was pronounced in a New York courtroom. He is now held in Guantanamo-like conditions in the supermax ADX [Administrative Maximum] facility in Florence, Colo. He is isolated in a small cell for 22 to 23 hours a day. He has only extremely limited contact with his mother, father and brother, often going weeks without any communication. Between his transfer to Florence last August and this March he was permitted only one phone call. The rule of law in America, especially if you are Muslim, fits Kafka’s grim parody. The tyranny we impose on those held in Guantanamo, Bagram and the secret CIA “black sites” we impose on ourselves. This is and always has been the disease of empire. Empire imports the crude and brutal tools of control and violence back to the homeland. It creates internal as well as external colonies.

We no longer have freedom; there is only the appearance of freedom. We are consumed by an endless and vague war on terror in which the perfidiousness of our enemy, whose number, location and nature are never clearly defined, justifies the shredding of constitutional rights, torture, kidnapping, detentions without charges or trials and an occult-like battle against an absolute evil. And if you think the state intends to limit itself to the persecution of Muslims, especially once there is an increase in domestic unrest and instability, you know little about human history.

I spoke Saturday night to Fahad Hashmi’s father, Syed Anwar Hashmi. The elder Hashmi came to the United States from Pakistan when Fahad was 3 and his other son, Faisal, was 4. He worked for more than two decades as an accountant for the city of New York. He came, as most immigrants have, for his children. He believed in America, in its fairness, its chances for opportunity, its freedoms. And then it all crumbled when the state proved as capricious and cruel as the Pakistani dictatorship he had left behind. On the day of his son’s arrest, he says, “my American dream became an American nightmare.”

Three law enforcement officials appeared at his home in Flushing, Queens, on June 6, 2006, to inform him that Fahad, who had been in London completing a master’s degree in international relations, had been arrested at Heathrow Airport on terrorism charges. Fahad, after fighting the order for 11 months, was the first American citizen extradited under the post-9/11 laws. He was taken in May 2007 to the Metropolitan Correctional Center in lower Manhattan and placed in solitary confinement.

“I came to this country from Pakistan nearly 30 years ago, in 1982 with my wife and two young boys,” Fahad’s father said. “Coming from a Third World country, we were full of hope and looked towards America for liberty and opportunity. I had an American dream to work hard and give my sons good educations. I worked as an assistant accountant for the city of New York, six days a week, nine hours a day, including overtime, to support my family and to send both my kids through college. We all became U.S. citizens, and my sons fulfilled my dreams by completing their undergraduate and postgraduate education. I was very proud of them.”

“In high school and then as a student at Brooklyn College, Fahad became a political activist, concerned about the plight of Muslims around the world and the civil liberties of Muslims in America,” he went on. “Growing up here in America, Fahad did not fear expressing his views. But I was scared for him and urged him not to speak out. He would remind me that everything he did was under the law. But having grown up in a Third World country, I had seen that it did not always work this way, and so I worried. He was monitored by law enforcement and quoted in Time magazine. But he kept speaking out. And then, with his arrest, my fears came true.”

Judge Loretta Preska denied Fahad bail partly on the grounds that he had no ties to family and community. His family and friends, who sat crowded together in the courtroom, listened in stunned silence. And then, after five months, Hashmi, already isolated in solitary confinement, was suddenly put under “special administrative measures,” known as SAMs. SAMs are the legal weapon of choice used by the state when it seeks to isolate and break prisoners. They were bequeathed to us by the Clinton administration, which justified SAMs as a way to prevent Mafia or other gang leaders from ordering hits from inside prison. The use of SAMs expanded widely after the attacks of 2001. They are frequently used to isolate terrorism case detainees before trial. SAMs, which were renewed by Barack Obama in October, severely restrict a prisoner’s communication with the outside world. They end calls, letters and visits with anyone except attorneys and sharply limit contact with family members. Fahad, once in this legal straitjacket, was not permitted to see much of the evidence against him under a legal provision called the Classified Information Procedures Act, or CIPA. CIPA, begun under the Reagan administration, allows evidence in a trial to be classified and withheld from those being prosecuted.

The weekly visits Hashmi’s family made to the jail in Manhattan were canceled. A single family member was permitted to visit only once every two weeks, and on a number of occasions the family member was inexplicably denied admittance. During the last five months of the trial Hashmi’s family was barred from visiting him. Anyone who has contact with a prisoner under SAMs is prohibited by law from disclosing any information learned from the detainee. This requirement, in a twist Kafka would have relished, makes it illegal for those who have contact with an inmate under SAMs—including attorneys—to speak about his or her physical and psychological condition.

Once the SAMs were imposed, “He wrote us occasionally—one letter on no more than three pages at a time—but he was allowed no correspondence or contact with anyone else,” his father said of his son. “In addition, because of Fahad’s SAMs, we were not allowed to discuss anything we heard from him, including his health or any details of his detention or what he was experiencing, with anyone else. It was like being suffocated.”

In a pretrial motion, Hashmi’s lawyer presented the extensive medical and scholarly research that demonstrates the severe impact solitary confinement has on human beings, often leaving them incapable of defending themselves during their trial. It did not sway the judge. Fahad lived in a universe, before ever being sentenced, where he had no fresh air and was subjected to 23-hour lockdown and constant electronic surveillance including when he showered or relieved himself. He was barred from group prayer. He exercised alone in a solitary cage. He was denied access to television or a radio. His newspapers were cut up by censors. And this was all before trial.

“These years have brought deep disillusionment for my family in the American justice system,” his father said. “Fahad was restricted in reviewing much of the evidence against him, and even his attorney could not discuss much of the evidence with him. Secret evidence is something we knew from back home. The judge accepted the prosecutor’s motion to introduce Fahad’s political activities and speeches into the trial to demonstrate his mind-set. Where was the First Amendment to protect Fahad’s speech? Two days before the trial was set to begin, Judge Preska agreed to the prosecutor’s motion to keep the jury anonymous and kept under extra security—even though this could have frightened the jury and affected how they viewed Fahad.”
“On the day before trial, nearly four years since he had been arrested, I had just returned from dropping off clothes for Fahad to wear to court when I received a call from my attorney,” Fahad’s father said. “The government had offered a deal to drop three of the four charges against Fahad, if he accepted one charge which carried a 15-year sentence and Fahad had agreed to this plea bargain. I was shocked by my son’s decision on the eve of his trial, but after I thought more, I wondered how anyone could have decided differently in his situation. Fahad had been in solitary confinement, under SAMs, for nearly three years. The judge had in every instance sided with the government in pretrial motions. If convicted, Fahad faced a possible 70-year sentence. Under those circumstances, Fahad’s decision to accept one charge was no longer surprising. He has been in for five years this June.”

“The U.S. government is concerned about human rights in China and Iran,” he went on. “I wonder about Fahad’s rights, and how they have been blatantly violated in this great land. It seems like ‘innocent until proven guilty’ is only a saying. My son was treated as guilty until proven innocent.”

“The Muslim community supported my son by offering prayers, particularly in the month of Ramadan,” he said. “But they were initially afraid to raise their voices against injustice. This reminds me of the fear the Chinese have under Communist rule, or Iranians under Ahmadinejad. As a citizen, I now have developed fear of my own government.”

“For one charge for luggage storing socks, ponchos and raincoats in his apartment, he is serving a 15-year sentence in the harshest federal prison in the country, still in solitary confinement, still under SAMs,” his father said. “The cooperating witness in the case, the one who brought and delivered the luggage, is now free and able to enjoy his life and family.”

The state, by making us afraid, is able to justify the disease of permanent war and the silencing of those who dare to dissent. The terrible suffering we have unleashed throughout the Middle East is rendered invisible if there is no one to decry it and document it. Communities and families, not only in Iraq, Afghanistan and Pakistan but at home, have been plunged into needless grief and suffering because of the atrocities committed in our name. The despair and bewilderment of Fahad’s father are a reflection of the wider despair and bewilderment that have gripped the lives of hundreds of thousands of Muslims who have been forced to confront the dark heart of empire. In their pain we stand condemned.

“There are many things I’d like to be able to say about the visit and my son’s continuing detention, but because of Fahad’s SAMs, I am forbidden,” his father said. “Everything has changed for my family. Our first grandchild was born 19 days after Fahad’s arrest, our second two years later. But now everything has a cloud over it—graduations, birthdays, holidays, going to the store or the park or visiting family or running errands, and particularly the Eid day. In other words, we have lost our happiness.”

War Is A Racket Missing Iraqi Billions 'Probably Stolen'


Source

By Paul Richter

June 14, 2011 -"
SMH" - Washington -- THIS month, the Pentagon and the Iraqi government are finally closing the books on the program that handled funding for reconstruction in postwar Iraq.

But despite years of investigations, US defence officials still cannot say what happened to $US6.6 billion ($6.3 billion) of the cash. Federal auditors are now suggesting that some or all of the cash may have been stolen, not just mislaid in an accounting error.

After the US-led invasion in March 2003, the Bush administration flooded Iraq with so much cash that a new unit of measurement was born.

Pentagon officials determined that one giant C-130 Hercules cargo plane could carry $US2.4 billion in shrink-wrapped bricks of $US100 bills. They sent an initial full planeload of cash followed by 20 other flights by May 2004 in a $US12 billion haul that US officials believe to be the biggest ever international cash airlift.

Stuart Bowen, special inspector-general for Iraq reconstruction, said the missing $US6.6 billion might be ''the largest theft of funds in national history''.

Iraqi officials are threatening to go to court to reclaim the money, which came from Iraqi oil sales, seized Iraqi assets and surplus funds from the United Nations' oil-for-food program.

The US Congress, which has already shelled out $US61 billion for similar reconstruction and development projects in Iraq, is none too thrilled either.

''Congress is not looking forward to having to spend billions of our money to make up for billions of their money that we can't account for, and can't seem to find,'' said Democrat congressman Henry Waxman, who presided over hearings on waste, fraud and abuse in Iraq six years ago when he headed the House government reform committee.

The cash airlift was a desperation measure, organised when the Bush administration was eager to restore government services and a shattered economy to give Iraqis confidence that the new order would be a drastic improvement on Saddam Hussein's rule.

The White House decided to use the money in the so-called Development Fund for Iraq, which was created by the Federal Reserve Bank of New York to hold money amassed during the years when Hussein's regime was under crippling economic and trade sanctions.

But US officials often didn't have time or staff to keep strict financial controls.

Millions of dollars were stuffed in gunny sacks and hauled on utility trucks to Iraqi agencies or contractors, officials have testified.

Pentagon officials have contended for the past six years that they could account for the money if given enough time to track down the records. But repeated attempts to find the documentation, or better yet the cash, were fruitless.

Iraqi officials argue the US government was supposed to safeguard the stash under a 2004 legal agreement. Abdul Basit Turki Saeed, Iraq's chief auditor and president of the Iraqi Board of Supreme Audit, has warned that his government will go to court if necessary to recoup the missing money.

''Clearly Iraq has an interest in looking after its assets and protecting them,'' Samir Sumaidaie, Iraq's ambassador to the US, said.

War Is A Racket Missing Iraqi Billions 'Probably Stolen'


Source

By Paul Richter

June 14, 2011 -"
SMH" - Washington -- THIS month, the Pentagon and the Iraqi government are finally closing the books on the program that handled funding for reconstruction in postwar Iraq.

But despite years of investigations, US defence officials still cannot say what happened to $US6.6 billion ($6.3 billion) of the cash. Federal auditors are now suggesting that some or all of the cash may have been stolen, not just mislaid in an accounting error.

After the US-led invasion in March 2003, the Bush administration flooded Iraq with so much cash that a new unit of measurement was born.

Pentagon officials determined that one giant C-130 Hercules cargo plane could carry $US2.4 billion in shrink-wrapped bricks of $US100 bills. They sent an initial full planeload of cash followed by 20 other flights by May 2004 in a $US12 billion haul that US officials believe to be the biggest ever international cash airlift.

Stuart Bowen, special inspector-general for Iraq reconstruction, said the missing $US6.6 billion might be ''the largest theft of funds in national history''.

Iraqi officials are threatening to go to court to reclaim the money, which came from Iraqi oil sales, seized Iraqi assets and surplus funds from the United Nations' oil-for-food program.

The US Congress, which has already shelled out $US61 billion for similar reconstruction and development projects in Iraq, is none too thrilled either.

''Congress is not looking forward to having to spend billions of our money to make up for billions of their money that we can't account for, and can't seem to find,'' said Democrat congressman Henry Waxman, who presided over hearings on waste, fraud and abuse in Iraq six years ago when he headed the House government reform committee.

The cash airlift was a desperation measure, organised when the Bush administration was eager to restore government services and a shattered economy to give Iraqis confidence that the new order would be a drastic improvement on Saddam Hussein's rule.

The White House decided to use the money in the so-called Development Fund for Iraq, which was created by the Federal Reserve Bank of New York to hold money amassed during the years when Hussein's regime was under crippling economic and trade sanctions.

But US officials often didn't have time or staff to keep strict financial controls.

Millions of dollars were stuffed in gunny sacks and hauled on utility trucks to Iraqi agencies or contractors, officials have testified.

Pentagon officials have contended for the past six years that they could account for the money if given enough time to track down the records. But repeated attempts to find the documentation, or better yet the cash, were fruitless.

Iraqi officials argue the US government was supposed to safeguard the stash under a 2004 legal agreement. Abdul Basit Turki Saeed, Iraq's chief auditor and president of the Iraqi Board of Supreme Audit, has warned that his government will go to court if necessary to recoup the missing money.

''Clearly Iraq has an interest in looking after its assets and protecting them,'' Samir Sumaidaie, Iraq's ambassador to the US, said.

Ninety Percent of Petraeus's Captured "Taliban" Were Civilians

Source

By Gareth Porter

June 13, 2011 -- WASHINGTON, Jun 12, 2011 (
IPS) - During his intensive initial round of media interviews as commander in Afghanistan in August 2010, Gen. David Petraeus released figures to the news media that claimed spectacular success for raids by Special Operations Forces: in a 90-day period from May through July, SOF units had captured 1,355 rank and file Taliban, killed another 1,031, and killed or captured 365 middle or high-ranking Taliban.

The claims of huge numbers of Taliban captured and killed continued through the rest of 2010. In December, Petraeus's command said a total of 4,100 Taliban rank and file had been captured in the previous six months and 2,000 had been killed.

Those figures were critical to creating a new media narrative hailing the success of SOF operations as reversing what had been a losing U.S. strategy in Afghanistan.

But it turns out that more than 80 percent of those called captured Taliban fighters were released within days of having been picked up, because they were found to have been innocent civilians, according to official U.S. military data.

Even more were later released from the main U.S. detention facility at Bagram airbase called the Detention Facility in Parwan after having their files reviewed by a panel of military officers.

The timing of Petraeus's claim of Taliban fighters captured or killed, moreover, indicates that he knew that four out of five of those he was claiming as "captured Taliban rank and file" were not Taliban fighters at all.

Checking on the claims of the number of Taliban commanders and rank and file killed is impossible, but the claims of Taliban captured could be checked against official data on admission of detainees added to Parwan.

An Afghan detained by U.S. or NATO forces can only be held in a Forward Operating Base for a maximum of 14 days before a decision must be made about whether to release the individual or send him to Parwan for longer-term detention.

IPS has now obtained an unclassified graph by Task Force 435, the military command responsible for detainee affairs, on Parwan's monthly intake and release totals for 2010, which shows that only 270 detainees were admitted to that facility during the 90-day period from May through July 2010.

That figure also includes alleged Taliban commanders who were sent to Parwan and whom Petraeus counted separately from the rank and file figure. Thus more than four out of every five Afghans said to have been Taliban fighters captured during that period had been released within two weeks as innocent civilians.

When Petraeus decided in mid-August to release the figure of 1,355 Taliban rank and file allegedly captured during the 90-day period, he already knew that 80 percent or more of that total had already been released.

Major Sunset R. Belinsky, the ISAF press officer for SOF operations, conceded to IPS last September that the 1,355 figure applied only to "initial detentions".

Task Force 435 commander Adm. Robert Harward confirmed in a press briefing for Journalists Nov. 30, 2010 that 80 percent of the Afghans detained by the U.S. military during the entire year to that point had been released within two weeks.

"This year, in this battlespace, approximately 5,500 individuals have been detained," Harward said, adding the crucial fact that "about 1,100 have come to the detention facility in Parwan."

Harward did not explain the discrepancy between the two figures, however, and no journalist attending the Pentagon briefing asked for such an explanation.

Petraeus continued to exploit media ignorance of the discrepancy between the number of Taliban rank and file said to have been "captured" and the number actually sent to the FDIP.

In early December, ISAF gave Bill Roggio, a blogger for "The Long War Journal" website, the figure of more than 4,100 "enemy fighters" captured from Jun. 1 through Nov. 30, along with 2,000 rank and file Taliban killed.

But during those six months, only 690 individuals were sent to Parwan, according to the Task Force 435 data – 17 percent of the 4,100 Taliban rank and file claimed captured as "Taliban".

The total of 690 detainees also includes an unknown number of commanders counted separately by Petraeus and a large number of detainees who were later released from Parwan. Considering those two factors, the actual proportion of those claimed as captured Taliban who were found not to be part of the Taliban organisation rises to 90 percent or even higher.

Three hundred forty-five detainees, or 20 percent of the 1,686 total number of those who were detained in Parwan from June through November, were released upon review of their cases, according to the same Feb. 5, 2011 Task Force document obtained by IPS. The vast majority of those released from the facility had been sent to Parwan in June or later.

Detainees are released from Parwan only when the evidence against them is so obviously weak or nonexistent that U.S officers cannot justify continuing to hold them, despite the fact that the detainees lack normal procedural rights in the "non-adversarial" hearing by the Task Force's Detainee Review.

The deliberate confusion sowed by Petraeus by referring to anyone picked up for interrogation as a captured rank and file Taliban was a key element of a carefully considered strategy for creating a more favourable image of the war.

As Associated Press reporter Kimberly Dozier wrote in a Sep. 3, 2010 news analysis after an interview with Petraeus, he was very conscious that "demonstrating progress is difficult in a war fought in hundreds of small, scattered engagements, where frontlines do not move and where cities do not fall."

SOF raids, however, could be turned into a dramatic story line. "The mystique of elite, highly trained commandos swooping down on an unsuspecting Taliban leader in the dead of night plays well back home," wrote Dozier, "especially at a time when much of the news from Afghanistan focuses on rising American deaths and frustration with the Afghan government."

Petraeus made sure the impact of the new SOF narrative would be maximised by presenting the total of Afghans swept up in SOF raids as actual Taliban fighters.

The deceptive nature of those statistics, as now revealed by U.S. military data, raises anew the question of whether the statistics released by Petraeus on killing of alleged Taliban were similarly skewed.

Gareth Porter is an investigative historian and journalist specialising in U.S. national security policy. The paperback edition of his latest book, "Perils of Dominance: Imbalance of Power and the Road to War in Vietnam", was published in 2006.

Maher Arar: My Rendition & Torture in Syrian Prison Highlights U.S. Reliance on Syria as an Ally

Syrian Elite and Army Continue Support for Assad

The Islamic Revolution In Yemen: The Establishment Of Khilafah & The Liberation Of Al-Aqsa

Rajab 09, 1432 A.H, Sunday, June 12, 2011

“Out of Aden-Abyan will come 12,000, giving victory to the (religion of) Allah and His Messenger. They are the best between me and them.” (HR. Ahmad: 2918, 2079 and Ath-Thabrani in Al-Kabir: 11029 (11/56).

The Islamic Revolution in Yemen entered a new deciding phase. After the deadly rocket attack that hit a masjid at the presidential palace complex in San’a, Yemen, on Friday (3/06/2011), President Ali Abdullah Saleh was reportedly leaving Yemen heading for Riyadh, Saudi, to treat his injured head.

Meanwhile, a number of high officials were wounded and seven presidential guards who were performing the Friday prayer got killed from that attack. While Al-Qaeda in the Arab Peninsula (AQAP) which is based in Yemen has declared the establishment of the Islamic Emirate (Islamic State) in Yemen, with the province of Abyan as its capital, on Saturday (28/05/2011).

At this time, the AQAP is preparing 12,000 fighters in Aden and Abyan to fight the security forces of Yemen and the intelligence agents in a total and full scale. The formed forces are also meant for the preparation of the establishment of Islamic Khilafah. Is this 12,000-strong forces from Aden and Abyan a sign of the realization of the nubuwah (prophetic reporting) and the imminent occurrence of the Al-Malhamah Al-Kubro (Great War/Armageddon) that will culminate in the liberation of Al-Aqsa?

The Islamic Revolution In Yemen: The Promised Victory

The Islamic Revolution in Yemen, which have taken place since four months ago, is not free from being affected by the 'tsunami waves' of the Islamic Revolution in the Middle East and its surroundings. After the Revolution in Tunisia which sparked the other Revolutions including in Yemen, thousands of people have been demonstrating in the capital of Yemen, San’a, demanding the stepping down of the ruthless dictator, Ali Abdullah Saleh, who has been in power for more than 30 years.

In conformity with the people's revolution which demands that the Yemeni dictator must go, the Mujahideen of Al-Qaeda in the Arab Peninsula (AQAP) which is based in Yemen, especially South Yemen, i.e. in the province of Abyan, have struggled to enforce the IslamicShari'ah and establish an Islamic Emirate in that country. The AQAP many times engaged in combat with the military forces of the Yemeni government which is helped by America. Yemen is a country which in its history has a large contribution throughout the course and development of Islam, unfortunately post-the 11th September 2011 attack, it entered into the camp of the kufur led by America and its allies. Injected by America with 70 billion dollars in financial funds, the government of Yemen under the leadership of Ali Abdullah Saleh started to launch attacks against Islam and the Muslims in Yemen, under the pretext of war on terror.

Since 2005, Yemen has banished 16,000 people who are suspected as members of Al- Qaeda. Thus, America was getting more active in pouring out funds to kill the Mujahideen of AQAP and oppose the struggle for the establishment of Islamic Shari'ah in Yemen. So aids amounting to 150 millions USD was right away poured out so that the Yemeni military forces could immediately eliminate the Mujahideen of AQAP. Instead of receding, the jihad in Yemen was getting more flared and extensive than ever, where it is collectively ignited by the Mujahideen of AQAP!

Min Huna Nabda wa Fie Al Aqsa Naltaqiy

In an opportunity, through an audio recorded message, the Mujahideen of Al-Qaeda in the Arab Peninsula (AQAP), issued a call for total revolution to oppose the rulers of the Arab world, including Yemen of course. The AQAP also called for Muslims to immediately establish a governance which is based on Islamic law!

The recording of the call for a revolution from the AQAP came out in response to the 'tsunami waves' of Islamic revolutions, which are currently sweeping the Middle East, after the successful overthrowing of the regimes in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya and now Yemen!

The one giving the speech in the audio recording was Sheikh Ibrahim Al-Rubeish, a former Guantanamo detainee and is now joining the Mujahideen of the AQAP. In the 10 minutes recording, Sheikh Al-Rubeish criticized Saudi Arabia for providing a haven for the overthrown president of Tunisia, Ben Ali. He also advised, that merely overthrowing the old ruler is not enough in an Islamic revolution, but there is a need to set up a new government which is based on the Islamic law or shari'ah.

“One tyrant gone, only to be replaced with another who can solve their worldly problems by offering employment opportunities and increasing their income, but in actual fact the bigger problem is still there” he said, referring to the leaders who replaced the tyrants but not implementing the Shari'ah of Islam.

Meanwhile, thousands of members of the tribes of Yemen have threatened to flood the capital city of Yemen, San’a, to participate in the fight against the forces loyal to the regime of president Saleh.

They warned the government that, if the government is struggling more intensively to retain power, they will be uniting with the other tribes that have already been struggling with might against the forces of the regime of Saleh in the last two weeks.

Dictator Ali Abdullah Saleh himself has refused to sign an agreement proposed by member countries of The Persian Gulf Cooperation Council (PGCC) for three times, although his own party and opposition members have already signed it.

The PGCC was the mediator in the agreement on 23rd May and called on president Saleh to give up power to the vice president of Yemen in 30 days after the signing of the agreement in exchange for immunity from prosecution by the parliament.

In a video released by the Global Islamic Media Front (GIMF) which was produced by Al-Malahim, entitled “From Here We Begin…and at Al Aqsa We Meet” (Min Huna Nabda wa fie Al Aqsa Naltaqiy) the amir (leadership) and commanders of Al-Qaeda in the Arab Peninsula (AQAP) based in Yemen proclaimed the call for jihad and planned to send 12,000 forces from Aden and Abyan.

Speaking for the first time in the video was Sheikh Abu Sufyan Al-Azdi Saeed Al-Sihri as the Deputy Commander of the AQAP, who was also a former Guantanamo detainee # 372. In his call, he vowed to avenge the blood of the Mujahideen of AQAP, such as Sheikh Abdul Aziz Al-Muqrin who was brutally butchered by the security forces of Saudi Arabia.

In the opportunity, he has also promised to establish the Daulah Islam, Khilafah Islam and implement the law of Allah SWT. He also mentioned Yemen as the land of jihad and the place where he would declare an Islamic state. He also alluded the liberation of Al-Aqsa from the grip of the Zonist Jews of Israel.

Speaking next was the amir of AQAP, Sheikh Abu Baseer Nasir Al-Wuhaishi. He gave the glad tidings to all the Muslims wherever they are that they, the Mujahideen of AQAP will soon establish an Islamic state in Yemen. The Islamic State in Yemen then, according to him, will be the embryo of the Islamic Caliphate that will fight all the enemies of Islam.

He also proclaimed that the Mujahideen forces will soon come to liberate Al-Aqsa. "We swear we are going to do just that for our Muslim brothers in Palestine, just like the oath of Sheikh Usamah bin Laden, the oath of Sheikh Abu Musab Az-Zarqawy and others," he said

The third speaker in the recording was Sheikh Abu Hurairah Qasim Al-Rimi, as the Military Commander of AQAP. He also swears by the name of Allah that they will come with the flag of jihad to Palestine to liberate Al-Aqsa.

He also commented about Hasan Nasrullah, the leader of Hizbollah Lebanon who is pro-Shiah, and is said to possess around 20,000 missiles that could be fired into Tel Aviv, capital of Israel. "Then, why none of the missiles have been fired into Israel? Doesn't it mean that you are just the same as Egypt which created a blockade by closing off Rafah for Gaza, and you are making a blockade between Lebanon and Palestine?", he said.

The last speaker in the video was Sheikh Abu Harith Muhammad Al-Awfi who acts as the Field Commander of AQAP and also a former Guantanamo detainee # 333. He further called upon the tyrant of Saudi Arabia that they will come to the land of the Haramain (Makkah and Madinah) and avenge what they have done to the Mujahideen there, such as Sheikh Yusuf Al-Uyairi. At the end, he also promised to liberate Al-Aqsa and the whole Arab peninsula!

Towards The Khilafah Of Islam & The Dispatch Of 12,000 Troops To Liberate Al-Aqsa

Amid the wave of the Islamic revolution that is still raging in Yemen, the political deadlock and the weakening of the dictatorial regime of Ali Abdullah Saleh, the Mujahideen of Al-Qaeda in the Arab Peninsula (AQAP) at last, by the permission of Allah, declared the the formation of the Islamic Emirate in Yemen.

That historic event for the Islamic Ummah took place on Saturday, 28th May 2011. The AQAP declared the formation of the Islamic Emirate in Yemen, especially South Yemen, with the province of Abyan as its capital.

The declaration of the Islamic Emirate in Yemen was accomplished by the AQAP after successfully taking over almost all parts of the province of Abyan, after seizing the capital, Zinjibar, on Friday (27/5). In that same opportunity too, the AQAP also prepared to form a force made up of 12,000 fighters from Aden and Abyan to fight the Yemeni security forces and intelligence agents there.

Sheikh Mohamed Saied Al-Omda, the field commander of AQAP said:

“We have good news for the nation of Islam, that a force of 12,000 fighters is being prepared in Aden and Abyan right now. With these forces, we will establish an Islamic caliphate. This is a message to the security forces of the Yemeni government and the National Security Service. Our swords are ready and we decide to cleanse up this land,” he said.

Hearing that declaration of the formation of Islamic Emirate of Yemen, the government of Yemen immediately sent combat aircrafts and bombarded the position of the Mujahideen of Al-Qaeda in Zinjibar. A local resident, Ali Dahmas said that he saw jet fighters opened fire on the southern outskirts of the city and heard a loud explosion which was followed by thick smoke in the air.

Besides Yemen, America herself is very worried with the declaration by the AQAP. America is still trying to lobby her allies from Europe and the Gulf countries to pressure the president of Yemen, Ali Abdullah Saleh, to soon sign an agreement to cede power.

“We are very worried that the unstable situation in Yemen will bring a prolonged tribal feud, that complicates us in going through the process of agreement for the transfer of power,” American security sources revealed.

The Western analysts and Zionists are sounding the alarm that the liberation of Zinjibar by the AQAP Mujahideen give them a real chance to come to power in the “unstable region” and establish an Islamic rule. A Zionist newspaper, The Jerusalem Post, wrote:

“The report on the taking over of the South Yemen city, Zinjibar, by the armed forces loyal to Al-Qaeda is a disturbing reminder of the opportunity to establish a state to represent the global jihad movement.”

The Jerusalem Post said that the goal of Al-Qaeda is to obtain sovereignty, and to form an Islamic state, khilafah, that will get rid of all the puppet regimes of the Arab world and Muslim Asia.

If the AQAP concentrate their forces, take control of not only the regions around Zinjibar, but other regions in Yemen, it would be a definite first step to start rebuilding the Caliphate.
Those Western analysts and Jews are so sure and very sacred of the victory of the AQAP. For the Muslims, the dispatch of 12,000 troops from Aden and Abyan is a nubuwah as it is from a hadith of Rasulullah SAW. He said:

“Out of Aden-Abyan will come 12,000, giving victory to the (religion of) Allah and His Messenger. They are the best between me and them.” (HR. Ahmad: 2918, 2079 and Ath-Thabrani in Al-Kabir: 11029 (11/56).

Dr. M Faiq Sulaifi explained in his article entitled “The Forces From Aden City” that the reporting or hadith has 2 sanads, one of them issahih and the other da’if. Then the one relied upon is the sanad that is sahih.

With regards to Aden and Abyan, he quoted Al-Allamah Al-Hazimi who said:

“As for the first one (namely Aden) –with the fathah of 'ain and dal and lastly nun-: Aden Abyan is among the famous cities Yemen. Ascribed to it (Aden city) are a number of imams and hadith transmitters.” (Al-Amakin au Mattafaqa Lafzhuhu: 87). To the point that the ascription to Aden city is called Al-Adeni.

Al-Allamah Ibnu Sayyidih said:

“Aden is a place in Yemen. Also called Aden Abyan. Someone from Himyar is ascribed to Abyan because he has been "adan" (i.e. residing) at that place (i.e. Abyan).” (Al-Muhith wal Muhkam Al-A’zham: 2/18).

And Aden is a port city. Al-Allamah Ibnul Atsir Al-Jazari said:

“In the hadith is a lafadz - 'from the way towards Aden Abyan'. Abyan (with the wazan ‘ahmar’) is a village on the edge of the sea from the direction of Yemen. And it was said that Aden Abyan is the name of the Aden city.” (An-Nihayah fii Gharibil Hadith: 1/22).

Dr. M Faiq Sulaifi continued in his article. Al-Imam Al-Mu’tamir bin Sulaiman At-Taimi Al-Basri said about the above hadith:

“I think he said: 'In the city of A’maq.'” (Majma’uz Zawa’id: 10/29).

What he meant was that they (the forces from Aden) will depart and unite in the city of A’maq with the Muslim forces to fight against the Roman (Christian Crusader Europe) forces in the event of Al-Malhamah Al-Kubra (Armageddon) and the Conquest of Constantinople in the end times before the appearance of Dajjal (la’natullah alaih).

Al-Allamah Yaqut Al-Hamawi said:

“The city of A’maq was mentioned in the hadith about the conquest of Constantinople. He said: 'Then the Roman forces come to the city of A’maq and Dabiq.' And there may also be a hadith in jamak (plural) and what was meant is Umuq. Namely a district (town) near Dabiq between Halab (Aleppo) and Anthakiah.” (Mu’jamul Buldan: 1/222).

The haidth implied by Yaqut was the saying of Rasulullah:

“Judgement day will not happen before the Roman forces come to the city of A’maq or Dabiq, and then they were confronted by the forces (Muslims) from Madinah from the best inhabitants of the earth on that day….and so on.” (HR. Muslim: 5157, Ibnu Hibban in his Sahih: 6813 (15/224)).

A’maq and Aleppo are located in the north of Damascus. All those cities are within the territory of Sham. Whereas, Damascus –i.e Ghuthah district- is the control center of the Muslims in this battle.

Rasulullah said in his long hadith:

“And the sixth period is the peace between you (the Muslims) and the Bani Asfar (i.e. Romans or Europe). Then they will walk (fighting you) under 80 ghayah.” I (hadith transmitter) asked: “What is ghayah?” he answered: “Flags. Each flag oversees 12,000 troops. The encampment of the Muslims at that time is at a place named Ghuthah in the city named Damascus.” (HR. Ahmad: 22860. Sheikh Shu’aib Al-Arna’uth in Tahqiq Musnad Ahmad said: “The isnad is sahih according to the criteria of Muslim.” And proclaimed as sahih as well by Al-Allamah Al-Albani in Fadla’ilus Sham wa Damshiq: 30 (23))

Today, in the province of Abyan, in South Yemen, the Mujahideen of AQAP have declared the formation of the Islamic State, which is projected to become an Islamic Khilafah. It is from there also, i.e. Aden and Abyan, that 12,000 fighters or Mujahideen will be dispatched to liberate Yemen in its entirety and also Al-Aqsa. Is this a sign of the realization of the nubuwah and the upcoming Al-Malhamah Al-Kubro(Armageddon) that will land up in the liberation of Al-Aqsa? May it happen!

Wallahu’alam bis sawab!

Original article by: M. Fachry

International Jihad Analysis
Monday, 4th Rajab 1432 H/6th June 2011 M